Divergent approaches

Bhuttoism stands for the emancipation of masses and national self-reliance while the establishment rule ensures status quo. The two approaches are totally divergent. The 1973 constitution in its original from had laid dawn a road map for breaking loose the shackles of the evil empire including the much needed provincial autonomy. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (ZAB) the chief architect of the 1973 constitution was also the founder of the national self-reliance programme and the nuclear initiative. In addition to communication with the masses, governance was his forte. Ideological difference aside no one ever doubted his abilities to deliver on his agenda of change. From 1958 to 2008 Pakistan has been under establishment control with brief periods of defiance. Half a century of exploitation and manipulation has destroyed all national institutions. Governance has become a major challenge. For the first time in half a century the establishment is in retreat, the ball is in the Bhutto court with 'Bhuttoism' as the guiding force. The lines are clearly drawn, 'Bhuttoism' versus the Establishment 'Fascism'. Pakistan has suffered enough already. For democracy to take root people have to be in control, the have-notes have to be pulled out of the cycle of poverty, illiteracy and hopelessness. For Bhuttoism to deliver, ZAB's governance model must be understood, after sending the khakis to the barracks he took on the inertia ridden baboos. Professionals were inducted in key positions through lateral entry. Technical ministries were headed by technocrats not bureaucrats. There was a huge public sector programme for basic industrialisation and defence production all headed by professionals. Employment's opportunities were created at all leaves. The Steel Mills at Karachi brought the much-needed steel making technology to the country. While Ayub Khan's industrialisation was greed driven which benefited a few, ZAB's initiatives were need driven and touched the entire nation. At every stage of our advancement the establishment has derailed the process. In 1958 General Ayub Khan, in 1977 it was General Ziaul Haq and in 1999 it was General Pervez Musharraf. The gains of democracy have been neutralised by these un-warranted interventions. Ayub Khan abrogated the 1956 constitution while both Zia and Musharraf disfigured the 1973 constitution by invoking pro-establishment and anti-people amendments. Pakistan should have been literate by 1985 and provinces autonomous by 1983 but they are not. The 1973 unanimously agreed constitution has to be restored in its true from for 'Bhuttoism' to prevail. The anti-people establishment amendments have to be annulled. Definite time frames have to be followed for combating illiteracy and poverty followed by eliminating the items on the con-current list ensuring provincial autonomy. ZAB never compromised on national interests only dictators and tyrants can afford this sell out. The Nuclear Programme of Islamic Republic of Pakistan was an enigma for the west. ZAB was warned of dire consequences, he refused to roll back. The establishment card was used against him. Today the Iranian Nuclear Programme is under scrutiny but the establishment card has not worked there. The War On Terror calls for bold decisions. ZAB was alive when the Soviet Union marched into Afghanistan and Zia dragged Pakistan into the war. From his jail cell he opposed Pakistan's involvement in a superpower struggle, he warned of dire after effects. Unfortunately the Junta was sold out. Training camps for mujahideen were established all over the country. USA succeeded in breaking the Soviet Empire but at the cost of both Pakistan and the war torn Afghanistan. After the debacle of the Afghan war the civilian governments tried to pull Pakistan out of the mess. Muhammad Khan Junejo signed the peace deal and then both Benazir and Nawaz tried to settle the after math of the war. In 1999 again a dictator was brought in to take Pakistan back into the conflict at the cost of its own security interests. Musharraf agreed to clean-up the mess by taking on the same mujahideen that Zia had created. While the political leadership tried to amicably pull out, the khakis ensured continued involvement in a war that cannot be won.   Generals cannot be trusted with wars as they only skim the profits leaving behind death and destruction. ZAB was clearly opposed to our involvement in the Afghan upheaval. It should have been treated as an internal matter of Afghanistan to be solved by their own people. The political leadership should opt for a political not military solution. As Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo ended the war in Afghanistan by singing the peace deal, it is time to stand up for our security and vital interests. Disciplinarians believe that 'Bhuttoism' brought chaos to institutions. The policy of gharao-jalao challenged the establishment rule but also resulted in indiscipline. ZAB himself talked about the need of institutional reforms. The transition from establishment 'Fascism' to 'Bhuttoism' was not smooth, combined with baboo inertia and khaki ad hocism most institutions collapsed. Institutional rebuilding has to take place, which baboos and khakis cannot accomplish. We as a nation have to pull-in our resources to bring-in our able sons and daughters to participate in this effort. ZAB was able to attract the best to deliver on his agenda. Effective governance is essential. ZAB called Pakistan a grand laboratory where the workability of Islam was to be tested through democracy, social equality and people's power. 'Bhuttoism' can defeat establishment. Like China, Pakistan will then emerge as an Asian Tiger and will outgrow. 'Bhuttoism' in the same manner as the Chinese have grown past 'Maoism'. While Mao will be cherished as the founder of the economic superpower, Bhutto will be remembered for liberating Pakistan from the clutches of establishment rule. The writer is an ex-chairman of the Pakistan Science Foundation

The writer is Ex-Chairman Pakistan Science Foundation, email: fmaliks@hotmail.com

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