Asia Noreen, better known as Asia Bibi, is a Pakistani Christian woman who has been languishing in jail since 2010 having been convicted and sentenced to death by a Sheikhupura district court over blasphemy charges. Former Punjab Governor Salman Taseer attempted to highlight her case as well as the rampant abuse of blasphemy laws, which led to his brutal murder by a member of his own security detail, Mumtaz Qadri. The incident sent a clear warning across the country; first, do not tamper with the blasphemy laws, and second, that defending the accused comes with grave risks. Asia Bibi has appealed against the decision in the Lahore High Court. However, the hearings have been adjourned over five times without any of the sides allowed to make arguments. It should be mentioned that the last hearing on 9th September was adjourned till 16th October on the request of the defence counsel despite the fact that the judges had expressed willingness to hear arguments this time. It is being feared that any decision in favour of Asia Bibi will invite backlash. In fact concerns about blowback or backlash are cited whenever the state is asked to play its role in protecting individuals accused of blasphemy. Perhaps it is time we ask if this backlash has a face we can engage with.
Who are these people that the SHOs of concerned police stations, the judges of both lower and higher courts and members of the government as well as their colleagues in Parliament are so afraid of? Since they claim with such confidence that there will be backlash, they must know where it will come from. Is the trouble institutionalised? Can it be identified definitively? Are there organised groups dedicated to ensuring the ‘accountability’ of people accused of blasphemy? How powerful are they? What makes them powerful? Guns? Numbers? What kind of manpower do they have? Is the state complicit? Is it merely unmoved? Is this “backlash” a sophisticated, well-financed machine or is it a loose local structure with a group of heavy handed volunteers? Would it be easier to engage with an institutionalised group than a random mob of violent vigilantes? Either way, no one ever seems to act against them.
There is no denying the fact that religious minorities have been paying the ultimate price for the abuse of blasphemy laws. We are also aware of the fate of those who attempt to take a stand against this intolerable persecution. The murder of Human Rights lawyer Rashid Rehman in Multan a few months ago is just one example. We cannot expect the SHO or a judge of a lower court to rise to the challenge when the entire state apparatus is unwilling to stand behind them. Rather simplistically perhaps, but most significantly, the real questions are these: will the state ever provide a solution? If repealing the blasphemy laws aren’t the solution, then what other options can it present us with?