Thirty years after the day Bhutto surrendered his life for the sovereignty, supremacy, security, happiness and welfare of the masses, his lovers, stricken with sorrow, would certainly also be studying the fate of dreams inspired by him. The nation is still mired in mounting misery, hunger, health, housing, inflation, fuel and energy conundrum. Blood soaking terrorism to enforce a weird religious version has swallowed thousands of lives, eroded personal security and almost isolated us in a highly industrialized, interactive, and pluralistic world. Yet the Bhutto dreams about democracy have gradually captivated far larger enthusiasts and culminated into almost a collective national creed. The concern for constitutional supremacy has strangely also enamored even his worst enemies and critics in the PNA including once the colossus pillars of Zia's dictatorship like Jama'at-e-Islami, Nawaz clan and the Chaudhrys of Gujrat. The entrenched clergy stance denying any constitution save the Quran and Sunna has been substituted by their furore for the sanctity of Bhutto's constitution. Even Jama'at-e- Islami and Jamiat factions are pressing for the pre-eminence of the Parliament and punishment of Pervez Musharraf. Similarly the theocratic assertion against the multi-party system has been eclipsed by over a dozen Islamic parties strutting in the main stream. A speech by Hafiz Suleman, a Jamat stalwart, at an election rally in Lahore to fulfill the Bhutto mission summed up a broader ecclesiastical slide towards democratic polity illustrating a pleasant contrast to their nonchalant zeal for Zia's dictatorship. The transformation of Nawaz Sharif from a darling and defender of the General's dictatorship and its derivative institutions to a fiery crusader for the Bhutto's constitution has brought another stunning support to the democratic movement. In an ironical spin of the events when the reigning PPP hierarchy dragged its feet on reinstating the judiciary he vehemently supported and led the long march His recent stand and onslaught to obliterate the remains of dictatorship despite his past darkened by devotion for their dominance and the innuendos about his angst against Mush, have reinforced the popular perception for a representative and populist path. Many of the Mush loyalists similarly also crossed over to the democratic fold. A really remarkable and resounding riff in the rallies portrayed this struggle as a sacrament to the soul of Benazir translating evidently into a direct tribute to the Bhutto dreams. The movement being a stimulating expression of the civil society also reflected an unprecedented role, resistance and resilience of the media to counter the curbs clamped on it. It has sanctified democracy as almost a shared and nonpartisan national pursuit glorifying the pervasive and alluring beauty and bequest of the Bhutto dreams. However, his dreams for the dividends from the democracy to change the destiny of the masses and ensuring an egalitarian equality are still far from realization. Uninterrupted democracy could have radically improved our industrial and economic base and the quality of life as seen in several West European states. Their living standards, life expectancy, literacy and education levels and gross domestic products measured by the Human Development Index are enviably higher while Pakistan trails at a dismal 136th position. Contrary to Bhutto's dream of a house and hearth for all, a third of the population still lacks shelter. About two third lives in shanty, thatched settlements with poor hygienic and sanitary conditions. About half of the citizens lack clean drinking water and are repeatedly buffeted by water borne diseases. An OECD survey for 1997 reveals that allocations for health in some European countries, compared to a paltry 0.7% in Pakistan, ranged from 8.4 to 10.4% of their GDP. Polio is still endemic and each year, about 25,000 women expire during maternity. Health facilities in the country, unlike full free coverage for all in model democracies, are quite depressing. The phenomenal progress in the advanced countries has been achieved through extensive investment in education and training sectors. This was another dream dearer to Bhutto heart as demonstrated by almost the lightening expansion and reforms in this sector. But Pakistan despite an abysmal literacy level merely spends less than 2.5% of its federal budget on education. The average allocation in industrialized democracies is about 8% of the GDP. Interestingly more than an eighth of the $789 billion special stimulus plan initiated by Obama to beat recession has been allocated to education, training and research. Britain and Japan are similarly reenergizing these sectors. The Asian Tigers have also succeeded almost through the same strategies. The GDP of South Korea now ranks fifth in the world. Even some American futurists are becoming envious of the exponential investment in innovation in Hong Kong and Taiwan An inadequate investment in these vital sectors has stymied our economic and industrial resurgence and dimmed the Bhutto dreams for bliss and betterment, which incidentally are also enshrined in the preamble of the constitution. But democracy devoid of its creative and competitive edge cannot deliver these dreams. The recent putsch to protect some sovereignty strands of the constitution has almost fulfilled Bhutto's prophecy of his reincarnate emerging from almost every home. The same zeal would be required to realize the welfare aspects of Bhutto dreams. The writer is an academic Email: