When the book, Confessions of an Economic Hit Man (EHM) by John Perkins was published in 2004, it determined the concealed schema of the world’s governing elite to govern developing states in order to put them under the perpetual burden of the debt trap. This narrative was enough to understand the international game and was an eye opener for developing states; either they want to live on the mercy of superpowers or wish to live with dignity as a nation or state at the global stage; definitely, the choice is ours.

Let me begin with the significance of power to bring you all closer to the game of international relations so that we can better understand the literal meaning of ‘survival’ for a state. In fact, one of the utmost vital features of a nation is its national power, for power is a main factor of the part that the nation can show as a tool in the amphitheatre of international relations. If we symbolise world politics, it is represented chiefly by the actions of America and Russia, of Britain and China, and of the other great nations. It is least worried about the dealings between Nepal and Liberia. And what is the motive for this? Certainly not that Nepalese are less ethical than Americans or Liberians less worthy. But they are merely less influential. Consequently, they or their governments do not have much clout in the rest of the world. They rarely encroach on the lives of the rest of us, the major intercontinental gatherings do not comprise them.

Now I would like to elucidate the natural elements of a state’s power. It is a reality that geography is the handmaiden of influence. National power is powerfully entrenched in the geography of the state. For example, the English Channel to safeguard the shores of England, and the Atlantic and Pacific oceans to offer a natural defence for the United States. The English Channel assisted to preserve Hitler’s soldiers out of England, nevertheless it was noticeably not a benefit when the currents of the fight changed and the Allied armies desired to reconquer Europe. Similar is the case of America’s valued oceans. We manage to contemplate them continuously in terms of protection, where they are confidently cherished, but observe the extremely complex logistic difficulties that occur when America desires to practice her armed forces overseas, the main place they have been used in the twentieth century. America has been sheltered by her oceans not only because they are extensive and unfathomable, although because during the nineteenth century, an affable Britain governed their waves and because the American navy controls them now.

If the marines of American opponents measured the seas around us, American schoolbooks would not be so occupied with bright orientations to its naturally gifted oceans. As Gray and Sloan specified in their work, “Geopolitics, Geography and Strategy,” “geography is the mother of strategy.” In this context, Pakistan is strategically a naturally-blessed state but now, the onus is on the shoulders of statesmen and foreign policymakers; either they have the potential to exploit this blessing or they can just take vicious decisions strategically, then this very natural asset of ideal geography can transform into a national burden. We should understand that a few nations play along some regional connotations because of their geostrategic position like Pakistan, Central Asia, Ukraine and Turkey as these states are positioned on the paths of energy. Pakistan can gain through the mega project of CPEC and through the naturally turning waves of global power which has been shifting from west to east. Secondly, the importance of population as a basis of national power has long been renowned in international principles. But the detail at which population scope and supremacy are related does not demonstrate that it is volume that controls power and not the other way around. A second main area where an enormous population backs a nation’s power is in economic production. A nation’s economic production alters on many elements, however, one of these is the range of the labour strength involved. People not only generate, they also spend, and a huge consumer populace can be a source of asset. A sizable population can also offer a virtuous possible market for producers in other nations, a fact that can be recycled to grow a nation’s supremacy over others.

Now I would turn the coin to those elements of national power which are characterised with social determinants of economic growth, political development, and national morale, which are crucial to live with international principles in modern times. Presently, one of the most vital factors of a nation’s power is its economic association, or more explicitly, the grade to which it has mechanised. It can scarcely be refuted that natural resources do not provide a nation’s power unless they are developed, and their expansion is an enquiry of knowledge and economic association in today’s age. We have realised that a huge labour dynamism is not a source of power unless it is prepared.

To begin, what is destined by a contemporary, manufacturing economy or a competent economic organisation? What is fundamental for a modern state, and a highly industrialised nation? A generalised reply is easy to contribute. An industrial society is categorised by numerous factories, excessive metropolises, and technologies and the goods. It is an association that harvests marvellous amounts of goods and facilities. An industrial budget is one pigeonholed by abundant productivity. An industrial nation owns a second major economic return for other nations in its capability to bargain their commodities. Besides, one of the vagaries that has ushered the progression of modern business everywhere is the growth of towns. The connection between the two is very adjacent. Those nations that are utmost industrialised are also most energetic in inner-city life, plus those nations whose productions are increasing the fastest also have cities that are developing the quickest. Even the development of metropolises is in part a mark of the industrial revolution, for in a world without machine production, the huge majority of people have to work in farming. If modern industries are to bunch jointly and take full benefit of the economies of being near each other, they necessitate great devotions of workers. City life delivers this, just as it offers a concentration of talent, skill, and industrial training. Moreover, industrial growth is assisted by governmental transformation. An additional, tremendously vital element of national supremacy is the level of political modernisation. We have scrutinised at length the involvement of a nation’s power with its natural strength (geography) and human resources (population), both natural and man-made, but we have neglected one vital consideration: the capability and more exceptionally the competence of the national administration in applying these capitals in pursuit of national objectives. Such productivity—and this is whatever is expected by political enlargement—is critical for the recognition of a nation’s full power potential. Indeed, political expansion is another imperative factor of national power, for it is mostly through governmental course that the human and material resources of a nation are assembled to stimulate the behaviour of other nations. Political expansion surges domestic union, excites economic enlargement with all its important significances for power, and systematised men and material into operative fighting dynamisms.

There rests one vital factor of national power: an intangible eminence which, for absence of an improved expression, we shall sound “national self-esteem:’ It contains a state of mind. Occasionally, it is termed loyalty or love of state. It is an imperative component of patriotism. Whatever it culminates to is an inclination by a huge proportion of the people in a nation’s demography to put the nation’s well being above their own, or to understand the two as one. What grounds this motivation of characters in some states and the denial or hesitancy of people in other nations to put national welfare above their own? One vital influence is certainly the amount of association that individuals have with the nation. Is the nation an important component in their lives? Do they think of themselves as Americans, Frenchmen, Chinese, etc.?

In fact, identifications and allegiances that extend beyond the nation can sometimes be used as objects for national cost if the nation can in turn be recognised with some larger element. Likewise, devotions to lesser clusters within the nation also occasionally contest with nationwide loyalties and make the connections of these groups less enthusiastic to make detriments for national purposes. Similarly, the core of democracy lies in its declaration of the reputation of the individual and his well being. A democratic administration does not pursue blind devoutness and zealotry. It trusts upon open-minded self-interest united with approaches of duty and friendliness to carry its people to support it when unity against the external force is required.

Nonetheless, the elements of national power are numerous. The nation that needs to attain its objectives must have the influence to do so. Numerous resources and the potentials that give authority to a state will be required as good possessions in themselves. A nation and its policymaker should be watchful to get intense purpose, however, to give up those purposes in the very consideration for power, would be a fool’s explanation.

Under this robust agenda, Pakistani statesmen should understand that Pakistan can never achieve perpetual growth on the global stage without meditating natural and social elements to achieve the actual success in nation-building. Equilibrium between both natural and social determinants of power is the key to attain national power to survive in this century.