The world had predicted a doomsday scenario for Pakistan where they felt that Talibanisation would eventually engulf the entire nation. Militarily that is not possible. Predictions of the capital being overrun by militant forces emerging from the Margalla Hills are absurd. However, if the word Talibanisation is synonymous to radicalisation, then global apprehensions are on track. The militants in Pakistan are feeding on grievances emerging from the masses which have not been addressed by consecutive governments. President Obama's 100th day press conference analysis of Pakistan was, therefore, spot on when he accused the present civilian government of not having the "capacity to deliver basic services: schools, healthcare, rule of law, a judicial system that works for the majority of the people." The prime minister's declaration of a full-fledged military onslaught until the Taliban are wiped out and its projected fallout of more than 500 thousand internally displaced people from Swat alone is not only daunting but also liable to aggravate the situation. The enormity of the humanitarian crisis can be gauged by the estimated 1 million people who have fled the tribal areas, Dir and Buner. The prime minister has earmarked Rs one billion for the rehabilitation of the IDPs and a job for one person of each family that has lost an earning member to terrorism. Whatever compensation that the government has envisaged will be a pittance in comparison to the loss incurred by these internal refugees. If the military operations are prolonged then these refugee camps, if inadequately funded, will generate bitterness and provide propaganda mileage to militants, extremists and terrorists. The socio-economic impact of refugee camp dynamics has already been witnessed by the people of Pakistan when more than 5 million Afghan refugees entered the country. The nation has still not recovered from the Kalashnikov and drug culture that was manifested in these camps. While, at the moment, there is no alternative to military operations and the displacement of the population is inevitable in an internal war of such magnitude, the media must avoid projecting these calamities as a consequence of army action alone and not putting the blame squarely on where it actually lies, namely the terrorists. If this is not done then the almost unanimous national consensus against the Taliban and their extremist ways will be diluted and voices will again be raised for concluding peace deals with the militants. The empty slogans that Pakistan is fighting a distant power's war will resurface. The outcome of the military operation can yield the desired results if the categorical affirmations of Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani and General Ashfaq Parvez Kiyani are pursued with unrelenting vigour. However, other elements must also be considered for the final objective to be reached which is the stabilisation of Pakistan and the eradication of the Taliban, once and for all. For this it is essential that the military operations are not only decisive but also swift. Otherwise, the consensus reached by the main parties in the Parliament - PPP, PML-N, MQM and ANP - may falter along with public support. As it is, political parties such as the Tehreek-i-Insaaf and Jamaat-i-Islami along with some powerful personalities in the media refuse to budge from their stance of "fighting someone else's war." Furthermore, local security forces need to be trained and equipped to handle the spillover of the war into other provinces. The latter need to be responsible for their internal security and preemptive measures, based on concrete intelligence, need to be implemented. Punjab, for instance, has already called in the Rangers in the Mianwali and Bhakkar districts to avoid any terrorist activity emanating from the NWFP. The military operation underway in Swat and other districts of the Malakand division will most probably reach its natural conclusion in the tribal areas, notably Waziristan. The destruction of infrastructure in this type of warfare, where fighter jets, artillery and soldiers are being utilised, will undoubtedly be immense. The government has to use this opportunity not only to rebuild but upgrade the infrastructure of these areas so that they are at par with the rest of the country and grievances are minimised. No less important is that a judicial system that caters to the needs of the local people and imparts swift justice needs to be implemented. Calling the session judge zillah qazi or the civil judge illaqa qazi is inconsequential as long as the rule of law is upheld under the umbrella of the superior courts and basic human rights are protected in accordance to the constitution. It finally seems as though the government is on the right track. It has not only been given an opportunity to reclaim its writ but also to address grievances that have festered for decades before the War on Terror even began without the resolution of which durable peace cannot be achieved. The writer is the editor-in-chief of Criterion Quarterly E-mail: