One afternoon in May 2018, I stepped into Aleem Khan’s office in Gulberg, Lahore. I had to interview Imran Khan, and Aleem’s plush and tastefully decorated office was the venue. The general election was just around the corner. There was an air of excitement and anticipation in the air. ‘Nicely done,’ I complimented Aleem on the decor as we waited and made small talk in one of the seating areas. Aleem smiled and said he brought most of the furniture from Dubai. At that time, Aleem was still considered close to Imran along with Jahangir Tareen, their financial support vital for the political party. After a short wait, Imran Khan arrived, dressed in his signature crisp white shalwar qameez. “Get me a coffee,” Imran told someone in the bevy of people following him. A takeaway coffee was quickly brought in from a nearby Dunkin’ Donuts. Imran took a sip as we sat down in the upstairs office of Aleem.
I noticed a certain buoyancy in Imran that day, quite different from my past interactions with him. It was almost as if he was assured of winning the upcoming election. The primary reason was that the powerful military establishment had thrown its weight behind Imran. I prodded Imran about this support in the interview and detailed it in the article I wrote for the New York Times titled “Imran Khan warms to Pakistan’s military. His political fortunes rise.”
Imran Khan subsequently won the August 2018 elections and for most of his three-and-a-half-year rule enjoyed a close, almost unprecedented, working relationship with the military.
But today, Imran and the military find themselves on different sides. The public falling out—after Imran was ousted from power earlier this year—has been bitter, loud, and messy. In recent interviews, Imran Khan has said that Aleem Khan, the ally-turned-foe, is one of the two main reasons he had disagreements with the army chief Gen Bajwa. This is only partially true, and the disagreements ran far deeper.
Imran’s challenge to his powerful benefactors has set the stage for a confrontation like never before. Bolstered by the unwavering public support, Imran feels he is invincible and has upped the ante each time the military has attempted to make him budge. He has accused a senior intelligence general, apart from his main political rivals, to be behind the gun attack on his life last month. In a letter to President Alvi, Imran declared an open season on the country’s intelligence chief and the chief spokesman of the army, seeking action against both generals for a public press conference against him. While Imran has taken aim at these officers, it’s obvious that his real target is elsewhere.
In public appearances, Imran has launched powerful tirades against the role of the security establishment in the country’s politics. He has questioned the overgrown influence, the overarching role. But many are left confused about the real motive. Has Imran become the torchbearer of civilian supremacy, or is he just blackmailing the military into submission by raising a constant spectre of violence and mass protests? Even Imran is found hard-pressed to clearly answer this question, as was evident by his recent interview with TRT TV. The press conference by DG ISI and DG ISPR revealed that while Imran had a menacingly confrontational public posture, he was simultaneously trying to mend fences backstage.
Some can see Imran’s strategy as effective realpolitik, but Imran’s brinkmanship has also pushed things over the edge and can be seen as an escalation that risks dangerous consequences. His unrelenting protest campaign that questions the neutrality of the military has set off a wave of public discontent and widened the fissures that already exist in the country’s polity. It is a genie that even Imran cannot put back in the bottle.
The new chief will be faced with an immediate set of challenges, with hardly any time to settle down. The bitter political residue of the past few months will weigh heavily, and Imran’s politics can exert pressure on the apolitical vows of the top brass. Even if the new chief decides to placate Imran in some ways, history tells us that he will find it rather impossible to cede the proverbial power to a civilian challenger.