Souls of Sarhadi Gandhi, his real K. C. Gandhi, his scions Khan Wali Khan, Ajmal Khattak and others (may they rest in peace) and many a cohorts must be complimenting and congratulating each other on the dubious doings and developments taking place in the country. The struggle they typified, and the great dreams, aspirations and lofty ideals they embodied and relished about Pakistan stand achieved and accomplished - courtesy Charon Subon ki Zanjeer Party. The Kalabagh Dam issue, conveniently consigned to God knows where, and NWFP renamed Khyber Pakhtunkhawa While on Kalabagh, one fails to understand that with international commitments like World Bank still in place and intact, how can a mere Minister of RRP fame unilaterally ordain and announce demise of the dam considered to be the life-raft for Pakistan President Bhutto would be regretting the ritualistic rise and rise of his President son-in-law when he started pampering politicians (whom the former called). Mr. Zardari referred to the province as Pakhtunkhwa even when the amendment had to be pushed through Parliament. The opposition, by appeasement, has ceded a strong support base in the province and shot itself in the foot. It will take it years and years to find feet there. Weakening federalism, the country is being led to the road to confederation. Rather than making the federation strong, it has put into motion the centrifugal forces, eroding national cohesion and brotherhood. The clemency seeking cronies and courtiers may advise Mr Zardari to now bury the hatchet with Sindh National Front and adopt its manifesto, in toto. Ethnicity sounds synonymous with Pakhtunkhwa and smells similarly to Pakhtunistan - which has hazy historic connotations. In lineal perspective ANP descends from the defunct NAP and to Khudai Khidmatgar - which unfortunately opposed, tooth and nail, the creation of Pakistan Khudai Khidmatgars did not believe in the partition of India. In his autobiography, Khan Ghaffar Khan had categorically stated: I am afraid I do not entertain any friendly feeling for Pakistan. Pakistan was founded on hatred. She was born not on love but on hatred and she grew up on hatred, on malice, on spite and hostility. ANP believes in nationalities and not a nation, which is in direct conflict with the Two-Nation Theory - the very basic concept on which the creation of Pakistan was accepted even by the British and Hindu leadership. The concept of nationalities is opposed also to the fundamentals of Islam, which preaches that the entire Millat is one nation. In the past, the ANP has been pleading that the people of Balochistan and NWFP form a distinct ethnic group, a political entity to be called Pakhtunistan which should have the right of self-determination. The partition plan contemplated a referendum in NWFP to decide whether people wanted to join India or Pakistan. Khan Ghaffar Khan wanted a third option i.e. separate independent state. This not being accepted, Khudai Khidmatgar boycotted the referendum in which the people of settled areas of NWFP opted for Pakistan. The sardars from tribal areas pledged loyalty to the Quaid-i-Azam. The Quaid stressed against split and divisions amongst Muslims and warned against provincialism. Khan Ghaffar Khan after the partition plan complained to Mr. Gandhi That a terrible fate awaits us in NWFP. We do not know what to do. Mr. Gandhi advised him to declare that Pakistan was altogether unacceptable to you. Gandhi personally was so obsessed with the idea of independent NWFP that he wished the Indian government to go to war for it. He wrote to Khan Ghaffar Khan and asked him to leave NWFP and direct and develop techniques for a non-violence policy and guide the struggle from the Indian soil. He offered by saying that this you can do here with me or otherwise. In 1977, when the PPP government, for follies of its own making, was overthrown by the military, Khan Ghaffar Khan addressed a two-page letter to the Chief Martial Law Administrator - commending the coup and appreciating the ouster of Bhutto. Written in his own hand, he surprisingly chose to write in Pashto - knowing full well that neither it was the national nor official medium of communication. In the letter he stated that since he entertained aspirations, hopes and beliefs, entirely different, the changes taking place in Pakistan were of little or no interest, significance or consequence to him. He complained that with Bhutto toppled, the number of spy jeeps and sleuths following him had doubled. He vowed he would follow through and continue with the struggle for which he had stood for thus far. In early eighties, despite Soviet soldiers present next door, the Martial Law leadership in Pakistan contemplated a determined move to return the country to democratic rule. Late Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, an elderly leader of Pakistan Peoples Party, was persuaded to play the role at the national level. Mr. Jatoi agreed, provided he was permitted by the Bhutto ladies. But to this they did not agree. Mr Wali Khan was then called upon to come forward. He was advised to shun provincial politics and peculiar parochial position. He was asked to focus on national issues instead, thus making him acceptable to the masses in national politics. Wali Khan showed willingness and requested for favour of projection and patronage. Public meetings with large gatherings were arranged for him at Karachi and Lahore where he pronounced patriotic posturing on national issues. These public meetings were a resounding success. The third such public meeting was arranged at Peshawar. True to his salt, the thundering Khan challenged all and sundry to construct Kalabagh Dam over his dead body. With such a stand, the Pakhtun leader refused to rise above provincial, parochial and petty politics. Doing so, according to him, was a political suicide for him, for his family, and for his party. This was a primary contributing factor for the military rule to prolong. At the same time, it amply explains the democratic credentials of our present rulers - PPP and the ANP. Wars and violence, peace and non-violence signify different dimensions where cause and effect are the two opposites. Seen through the prism of history, one finds that Nobel Peace Prizes have gone to leaders of the countries waging wars and causing vast destruction. Policies of politicians preaching non-violence have generally caused bloodshed. ANP stalwarts take pride in the policy of non-violence pursued by their supremos. The myth of our National Reconciliation - germinated by NRO and being caressed and nursed by our national leaders - seems to smack of the doctrine of non-violence. Lord save us, lest this heterogeneous alliance of big bigots with conflict of interests should bring us more bouts of bloodshed. The writer is a former Minister for Religious Affairs. Email: ulhaq.ijaz@gmail.com