Everyone has a turning point in their life. My political turning point came in March 2010, when after having stayed on a footpath for seven nights and seven days for the sake of merit for watercourse employees, I decided it was time for ‘new’ politics - a politics, which did not blindly follow the party leadership’s decisions that were made for political expediency, rather than people’s interest. After that, I openly started voicing the concept of new politics versus old politics during my speeches in the National Assembly.
For me, the distinction between old and new then was the ability to keep peoples issues above power politics; it was something that I did not see happening when I used to raise the real issues of the provinces I had extensively travelled. I would be shocked when a genuine issue would be sidelined in the Assembly just because it did not suit the government.
So, after resigning from the National Assembly in June 2011 and giving up an MNA seat, I felt better, since I could pursue my dream - ‘new politics’. During my visits to some of the provinces, I could feel the pain of the ‘missing government syndrome’, since people were deprived of the necessities of life - infrastructure, electricity, schools, hospitals, justice, etc - due to the corruption of the rulers.
During this time, I came across a political party that talked about change. I almost fell for its change promises, until I realised that change for it meant taking assistance from the forces that had no constitutional role in politics and inducting opportunist, rented electables whose ways of doing politics was the major cause of the problems in our villages. For me, this was not ‘real change’. Further, criticising them led into a baseless character assassination - something that had not happened even when I had criticised criminals in other political parties in the last four years. I had given up a parliamentary seat and for me, titles were worth nothing. Besides, the idea of new politics was too sacred a concept to sacrifice for the sake of any power struggle movement.
At this juncture, I met Sindh’s Ali Kazi, who had also been writing about the need for change in the province for almost a decade. We discussed the concept of change and found similarities in approach. Even though my canvass for change was national and his was Sindh, we decided to collaborate at least on the one province that we shared.
We wanted to end the feudal mindset in governance. We knew that the existing political parties chose their candidates from the waderas, who had the ability to win the elections. These parties would often encourage or ignore the corruption or tyrannical mindset of their candidates, just for the sake of the seats they were guaranteed to win. The practice of delegating Sindh to such people had turned the province into ruins. Recently, the party that had promised change is also attempting to make similar alliances with the waderas, who would continue to take the province down doomsday route.
Anyway, the tragedy was that none of the parties thought much about the collective wisdom of the Sindhis, who could elect better representatives if given a choice. This was because these parties were not connected with the people and their pain. I remember the conversation with the leader of the change party, who had claimed that Sindh would be conquered by him once Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa fell. When I asked: How was it possible? He explained that Sindh was a follower province that had few waderas, who followed instructions from hidden forces and the mood of other two provinces. I was fairly disgusted and decided that this fake change was not for me!
Frankly, most parties had never felt the need to take fresh candidates, who could deliver real change (i.e. good governance) into their ranks, simply because they were either taken in by this wadera syndrome or wanted to use it to their advantage. After all, talking to a few waderas and negotiating with them was easier than doing a grassroot movement for better candidates.
Ali and I did not approve of such old politics. Perhaps, because we felt the pain in our hearts that old politics was causing and knew the problems of our people. We knew that such compromises could never fix the governance issues of any province. Pathetically, this feudal mindset could be found in an SHO, media person, DCO, irrigation officer, or industrialist. It was a tyrannical mindset that instilled fear, believing that ‘rules are made for the poor to follow and for the powerful to flaunt to fill their pockets faster’. We were not after a socialist revolution, but good governance and egalitarianism. Also, we were realistic enough to believe that there are some good waderas, who could bring real change but they were not interested in politics. In short, we were not against agriculturalists, but tyranny in all its forms.
I liked Ali’s concept of having a government that would treat its people like its children. After all, you don’t loot and cheat your children; you take care of them. He told me that he was planning a tour of Sindh’s villages and towns to preach the concept of real change and give people courage to break out of the chains of tyrannical rulers. I immediately decided that I would join him; it was a sacred mission that I felt honoured to be a part of.
In the last four years, I had been standing up for the people of Pakistan and doing grassroot tours throughout the country, but without any force multiplier ally. So, this was an opportunity to have a like-minded partner in at least one of the provinces. I could finally not be accused of a solo flight.
We started our journey from Hyderabad where we announced that we would travel throughout Sindh and ask people from Karachi to Kashmore to join hands at Bhit Shah on January 22, if they felt the need to reject the boathars/tyrants or tyrannical mindset and if they wished to create an alternative platform for good governance. We discussed in-depth that if they willingly reached Bhit Shah, they would be change agents for a political platform that could take on the tyrannical forces of the province. We didn’t want to have a false show of force like other political parties, but a real one. We wanted to truly motivate the people into liberating themselves and bringing about change for themselves. Their presence in Bhit Shah was necessary, since it would give them strength that they were a team against their boathars.
In the last 29 days with 90 percent of the journey completed, we have visited 21 out of 24 districts of Sindh and have had 178 jalsas/corner meetings (ranging from 300 to 5,000 people). Fifty-three of these jalsas had not been planned, but were impromptu roadblocks by those who were eager to hear our message of change; we must have met over 180,000 people at least. It has been an unprecedented journey in Sindh’s recent history. It has been a journey of magical connection where we have been blessed and humbled with our peoples trust. The pain we have seen in their eyes is, indeed, difficult to describe.
We have met young and old. We have seen, felt and heard the calls of people imprisoned by the tyrannical mindset. We have held hands with those who are ready to break their chains. Along with these thousands of change ambassadors, we have dreamt of making a safer, fairer and developed dharti for our people. In effect, we have had 178 referendums for real change already.
Based on these interactions, it is important to share the feelings of a substantial part of the Sindh population with the people living in other provinces. Sindhis are suffering from lack of governance never witnessed before. They want basic amenities and are tired of protesting on the streets. They want roads, hospitals, schools, clean drinking water, sewerage systems, and electricity and gas. They feel that Sindh pays the largest percentage of taxes and yet does not receive the basic amenities. We tried to explain that protesting for them was not normal in any country of the world. And demanding a change of governance was the only answer.
Sindh’s population is tired of not getting the due return for its rich resources. We explained that saving its resources from the thieves was a priority for us and their just distribution was their right. They feel that the division created by using the terminology ‘Karachi and Sindh’ is a deliberate attempt to divide the province geographically and usurp its resources. They feel that the discrimination against the students and job seekers from the rural areas is unfair. They want jobs on merit versus having to pay for them to these rulers. They feel that the blocking of the national language bill, which would give Sindhi a national language status, is a deliberate attempt at attacking the identity of Sindhis. They want security from the dharails (daakoos) and want to be given their izzat-e-nafs.
They feel that the tyrants, who exist in most political parties, come into government only to rule them. They are convinced that it is the musical chairs between these electables that results in the continuation of the sufferings in the villages. They are exceptionally disappointed by fake change screamers, who are taking in their ranks the same boathars. They feel that their provincial capital has been handed over to terrorist political wings of parties and wish to reclaim it as a capital worthy of Sindh’s rich resources.
Considering that Sindh plays a pivotal role in federal politics, its progress and political stability is key not just to every inhabitant in the province, but of the federation. Its rescue from old politics is a responsibility that needs to be shared by all!
All those who wish to see a real change in Sindh will come to Bhit Shah on January 22. They will unite together as a Sindh, minus the fake divisions of ethnicities, religion, and tribal baradaries. They will unite for a Sindh, which is governed by rules versus the law of the jungle. They want to be led by honest fresh new political faces and old political faces, who practice new politics. A politics which is free from the qabza and the breaking-of-rule mentality.
Sindhis are watching the musical chairs in Islamabad and disheartened by the old politics that is leading it. They want an end to the corruption. They want an end of interference of hidden forces in politics. They want a Parliament, which is capable of holding the government accountable versus relegating this responsibility to the judiciary. I am sure that this is what all the other provinces want too.
Frankly, it is high time that the politicians’ lead new politics whose main ingredients are issue-based politics versus power musical chairs. It is high time that democracy started delivering dividends to its peoples versus rulers and development became a hallmark of government versus exploitation. While Sindh is experiencing a historic empowerment movement, I remain committed to attempting the same in other provinces too. But let’s attempt this empowerment of the people in one of the game-changer provinces before taking this concept to the rest of Pakistan. After all, if it is change for the people, then it must be driven purely by the people versus boathars; only then will real change be sustainable.
“Jain dee hi jogi jaagya poi sur na randha sagya.”
(The day these jogis wake up, then the collective pain will not remain the same.)
The writer is a former member of the National Assembly of Pakistan.
Website: www.marvimemon.com