Of the 562 princely states that existed during the British Raj, Junagarh was a first class state in south western Kathia. Spanning over an area of three thousand three hundred and thirty six (3366) square miles, it had the honour of a 15-gun salute. As the fifth richest princely state in India in terms of revenue and the second richest of the Muslim states, it had a coastline along the Arabian Sea which stretched to an almost 100 miles with 16 natural seaports. One of which was Veeraval - one of Indias foremost commercial port today. The forested area of Junagarh of 494 square miles was the second largest natural habitat of the lion, after Africa. It was also rich with a variety of raw materials, along with precious metal ores present in large quantities. The famous Hindu temple of Somnath is also situated in Junagarh. With the free provision of primary education and basic healthcare to all citizens, it was a true welfare state. The head of government was the Nawab of Junagarh, while there was a State Council of Junagarh for running the administrative affairs of the state, and the members of which held the status of minister. The council was headed by the devan, who acted as its Prime Minister. In 1947, the Indian Independence Act allowed all princely states to consider three possibilities. The first was to accede to India, the second to accede to Pakistan, and the third to retain independence of either. In exercise of his right, the then Nawab of Junagarh, His Highness Nawab Mahabat Khanji, in consultation with his council and with the support of his subjects, decided to accede to Pakistan. On September 15, 1947, a document of accession was signed between Nawab Khanji and Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the Governor General of Pakistan. Following which, the Pakistani flag was hoisted alongside the state flag on the State House of Junagarh. In accordance with the instrument of accession, Junagarh surrendered to Pakistan the ministries of Defence, Foreign Affairs and Communications, while retaining the rest. On October 25, 1947, while Nawab Khanji was in the Pakistani capital, i.e. Karachi, to discuss further details with Quaid-i-Azam, the then Indian Prime Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, in a unilateral act of aggression, ordered his forces to take control of Junagarh, in blatant violation of international law and charter of the United Nations (UN). By November 9, 1947, the Indian army had completed its occupation of Junagarh and raised the Indian flag there. Consequently, the nawab, his family and a large number of Muslims were compelled to migrate to Karachi. Under the aforementioned agreement it was Pakistans constitutional, legal and moral obligation to defend the State of Junagarh. This was why Quaid-i-Azam directed General Gracey to defend the territory, who instead conspired to disobey the orders and did not forward his forces in defence of the aggression. On the other hand, with his political foresight, the Quaid appealed to the UN instantaneously against Indias illegal occupation. Pakistans case was pursued under the Liaquat Ali Khan government; however, unfortunately after which this important matter and relentless sacrifice became an object of neglect of subsequent governments. Pakistans case today lies in the cold archives of the UN. After the creation of Pakistan, many Indian analysts had predicted that Pakistan would be unable to sustain itself for long, due to its weak economic condition. But Allahs will was with Pakistan and of the many avenues that Allah opened for the Islamic republic; one was the Memon community which had migrated to Pakistan with the Nawab of Junagarh. This community took the economic reins of Pakistan into their own hands and turned many predictions sour. There is no doubt that Karachi is the economic hub of Pakistan. Also, there is no doubt that the economic hub of Karachi is its Memon community that migrated from Junagarh. Nawab Khanji passed away a few years after the creation of Pakistan. After him, the Government of Pakistan recognised his son, Nawab Mohammad Dilawar Khanji as the Nawab of Junagarh. Then after Dilwars demise, his elder son, Nawab Mohammad Jahangir Khanji was recognised as the Nawab of Junagarh by the Government of Pakistan, who still holds the office. Thus, the nawabs third generation strives to fulfil the covenant for the honour and prestige of Pakistan which his forefathers had made with Quaid-i-Azam for the struggle of Pakistan. However, if we think for a moment we should be ashamed of not only having not fulfilled our founding fathers promise, but also of having forgotten it. We must question ourselves if this is the way of a nation that values its honour? And if this attitude adopted by our leaders towards Junagarh and its nawabs is one based on any sense of justice? Todays youth is unaware of the State of Junagarh with no fault of their own, since we have expelled the history of Junagarh and its accession to Pakistan from our curriculum. And not only that, we have also omitted Junagarh as a disputed territory from the maps of Pakistan. Perhaps, we do not wish for our generations to grow up being loyal to the ideals of the Quaid. In our insensitivity, we have even confiscated the rights ensured to the nawab and the loyal people of Junagarh by our founding fathers. For example, the nawabs presidential protocol was withdrawn without explanation. Cars had the right to bear flags and registration plates of Junagarh which they do no more. The nawab and his family were issued diplomatic passports which were later suspended. However, the current government has reissued the diplomatic passports only for the nawab and his wife. The migrants from Junagarh were entitled to quotas in different departments that have been abolished. Indeed, this is a grave political and moral wrong which serves to alienate the two million strong migrant population from Junagarh and is contrary to the requirements for strengthening the union, for it pits the exclusion of the citizens against the state. It is pertinent for the Government of Pakistan to reconcile these issues before it faces a response from the people of Junagarh. The disputed status of Kashmir and Junagarh is mutual. Where there exists a Kashmir House in Islamabad to remind us of our unflinching support of the cause, there must also be a Junagarh House in Islamabad in light of their equal status and the demand of fairness. It would serve as a reminder of our history to our new generations and highlight the importance of the issue further before the international community that resides in Islamabad. While many committees exist in the National Assembly and Senate to work on various issues of national significance, it is a matter of great shame and misfortune that one has never been created to debate and discuss the issue of Junagarh. I must also add that it also falls upon the UN to have the Nawab of Junagarh reinstated to his position, as it stood before October 25, 1947, and to hold a plebiscite there under its own auspices for a peaceful resolution of this international dispute. It must also be kept in mind that the nawabs have never laid their claims before the Government of Pakistan for their state worth trillions of dollars. More so, they have only strived for the honour of Pakistan and its prestige, and glory by seeing Junagarh practically become an integral part of Pakistan. As for our leaders, they do not even commemorate The Day of Accession of Junagarh, i.e. September 15, in recognition of the covenant confirmed by the Quaid-i-Azam. The writer is a member of the State Council of Junagarh. Email: Sultan.aa14@gmail.com