After exhausting all possible tricks to confuse and demoralise the opposition by delaying the count on a no- confidence motion, posted against Prime Minister Imran Khan on March 8, the government finally facilitated formal submission of the same at the outset of Monday’s sitting of the National Assembly.
Our written Constitution demands that general discussion on such motion should wait for three days after presented during a national assembly sitting. The House was thus adjourned until Thursday afternoon. The government, however, is still confident of defeating the said motion by playing a plethora of “trump card,’ it strongly believes, Imran Khan continues to hide in his sleeves.
Sticking to the compulsive habit of confounding its opponents with tricks, the government also pretended as if paving a fast track for its motion of no-confidence. It didn’t waste time in “Question Hour” and straight rushed to the day’s agenda.
Instead of taking up the no-confidence motion, though, Qasim Suri, the deputy speaker, gave the floor to Zain Qureshi. This son and political heir of Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi surprised everyone by reading a motion, wanting to create a new province called “South Punjab.”
To establish a new province, you need the support of the 2/3rdmajority of members from both the houses of Parliament. The Imran government does not command the required majority. Yet it moved the said motion; primarily to build the case that it always respected the distinct ‘identity’ of people living in South Punjab and sincerely took the initiative of creating a separate province for them. But the opposition refused to support it, simply for the blind hatred of Imran Khan.
The ploy might have worked, if the government had taken the same initiative within some weeks of assuming power in August 2018. Now the move looked too late in the day. It loudly smacked of political gimmickry rather.
But the real reason that encouraged the government to let the opposition go ahead with formal tabling of the no-confidence motion against the Prime Minister was the “breaking news.” The moment, assembly started its business TV screens were flooded with ‘tickers,’ revealing that Chaudhry Parvez Elahi had left his home in Islamabad to meet Imran Khan at his residence in Bani Gala.
Early in the day, people were also told through the ‘exclusive news’, revealed by a journalist known for active access to “informed and powerful quarters.” It claimed that after many months of dilly-dallying, Imran Khan was now willing to install Chaudhry Parvez Elahi as Chief Minister of the most populous province of Pakistan, i.e., Punjab.
After this news the opposition instantly submitted the no-confidence motion in Punjab Assembly Secretariat. It essentially rushed to prevent the incumbent chief minister from dissolving the assembly he had been heading for more than three years.
Hardly some months after Buzdar’s appointment, a large number of PTI loyalists started expressing ‘disappointment’. Buzdar was constantly projected as an iconic symbol of “bad governance.” Prime Minister kept insisting otherwise.
Many well-informed persons in Islamabad also claimed that the head of very powerful state institution had deliriously been complaining against “below than expected performance” of Buzdar, in private/off the record meeting. Yet Imran Khan kept acted stubbornly deaf, whenever it came to discuss the performance of Buzdar.
Some trusted aides of the Prime Minister are now certain that the selection of Parvez Elahi as the Chief Minister of Punjab would decisively help defeating the motion of no-confidence, put against Imran Khan.
Mr Elahi represents a smaller faction of Pakistan Muslim League, mostly known as Q-League. But it has numbers, both in the National and the Punjab Assembly, to make or break a prime minister or the chief minister.
Being the scion of a powerful political family of Gujrat, Elahi had already completed five-year term as CM Punjab under the wings of General Musharraf from 2002 to 2007. He indeed is considered a good administrator and has the enviable capacity to prove himself as friends-to-all by generously doling out “developments funds” at his disposal.
But Imran Khan never felt comfortable with the clout and “connections” of the Chaudhrys of Gujrat; also their manipulative skills. He kept resisting their rise and rise. But the no confidence motion, put against him forced second thoughts.
Until writing this column, one could not gather sufficient material to report with confidence whether Elahi could smoothly replace Buzdar. Around 30 members of the Punjab Assembly, who had remained loyal to Imran Khan for many years, don’t feel comfortable with him. One is not sure whether they would be too willing to elect him as CM Punjab, simply to protect and please the Prime Minister.
But if they submitted to Imran Khan’s last minute decision, almost like devoted slaves, the combined opposition parties would find it extremely challenging to remove Imran Khan from the Prime Minister’s Office through the vote of no-confidence.
By accepting the Prime Ministerial offer of taking over Punjab, Chaudhry Parvez Elahi would also convey the feeling that his presumed “connections” in powerful quarters of the deep state eventually persuaded him to say ‘yes’ to the offer. If the said perception prevailed, for the right or wrong reasons, many ‘rebels’ from within the ruling party would also think twice before coming out into the open against Imran Khan.
While apparently “bailing out” the Prime Minister at the most difficult time of his career, Chaudhry Parvez Elahi would also appear as if ditching Asif Ali Zardari. The former president is the main architect of the game, set to get Imran Khan through a no-confidence motion and political observers strongly believe that he is not in the habit of playing a “losing hand.” The last-minute decision of Parvez Elahi, if showing support to Imran Khan, will seriously damage the perception that Asif Ali Zardari always plays ‘master strokes.’
I haven’t met Asif Ali Zardari for more than two years; haven’t talked to him on phone either. But senior and influential journalists, relishing active access to him these days, continue insisting until my writing this column that Asif Ali Zardari is too confident that Chaudhry Parvez Elahi is “going nowhere.”
Well, interesting political games are on. Let’s keep watching them to divert attention from issues we keep facing, both individually and like the helpless ‘subjects’ of the elite-captured state.
Our written Constitution demands that general discussion on such motion should wait for three days after presented during a national assembly sitting. The House was thus adjourned until Thursday afternoon. The government, however, is still confident of defeating the said motion by playing a plethora of “trump card,’ it strongly believes, Imran Khan continues to hide in his sleeves.
Sticking to the compulsive habit of confounding its opponents with tricks, the government also pretended as if paving a fast track for its motion of no-confidence. It didn’t waste time in “Question Hour” and straight rushed to the day’s agenda.
Instead of taking up the no-confidence motion, though, Qasim Suri, the deputy speaker, gave the floor to Zain Qureshi. This son and political heir of Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi surprised everyone by reading a motion, wanting to create a new province called “South Punjab.”
To establish a new province, you need the support of the 2/3rdmajority of members from both the houses of Parliament. The Imran government does not command the required majority. Yet it moved the said motion; primarily to build the case that it always respected the distinct ‘identity’ of people living in South Punjab and sincerely took the initiative of creating a separate province for them. But the opposition refused to support it, simply for the blind hatred of Imran Khan.
The ploy might have worked, if the government had taken the same initiative within some weeks of assuming power in August 2018. Now the move looked too late in the day. It loudly smacked of political gimmickry rather.
But the real reason that encouraged the government to let the opposition go ahead with formal tabling of the no-confidence motion against the Prime Minister was the “breaking news.” The moment, assembly started its business TV screens were flooded with ‘tickers,’ revealing that Chaudhry Parvez Elahi had left his home in Islamabad to meet Imran Khan at his residence in Bani Gala.
Early in the day, people were also told through the ‘exclusive news’, revealed by a journalist known for active access to “informed and powerful quarters.” It claimed that after many months of dilly-dallying, Imran Khan was now willing to install Chaudhry Parvez Elahi as Chief Minister of the most populous province of Pakistan, i.e., Punjab.
After this news the opposition instantly submitted the no-confidence motion in Punjab Assembly Secretariat. It essentially rushed to prevent the incumbent chief minister from dissolving the assembly he had been heading for more than three years.
Hardly some months after Buzdar’s appointment, a large number of PTI loyalists started expressing ‘disappointment’. Buzdar was constantly projected as an iconic symbol of “bad governance.” Prime Minister kept insisting otherwise.
Many well-informed persons in Islamabad also claimed that the head of very powerful state institution had deliriously been complaining against “below than expected performance” of Buzdar, in private/off the record meeting. Yet Imran Khan kept acted stubbornly deaf, whenever it came to discuss the performance of Buzdar.
Some trusted aides of the Prime Minister are now certain that the selection of Parvez Elahi as the Chief Minister of Punjab would decisively help defeating the motion of no-confidence, put against Imran Khan.
Mr Elahi represents a smaller faction of Pakistan Muslim League, mostly known as Q-League. But it has numbers, both in the National and the Punjab Assembly, to make or break a prime minister or the chief minister.
Being the scion of a powerful political family of Gujrat, Elahi had already completed five-year term as CM Punjab under the wings of General Musharraf from 2002 to 2007. He indeed is considered a good administrator and has the enviable capacity to prove himself as friends-to-all by generously doling out “developments funds” at his disposal.
But Imran Khan never felt comfortable with the clout and “connections” of the Chaudhrys of Gujrat; also their manipulative skills. He kept resisting their rise and rise. But the no confidence motion, put against him forced second thoughts.
Until writing this column, one could not gather sufficient material to report with confidence whether Elahi could smoothly replace Buzdar. Around 30 members of the Punjab Assembly, who had remained loyal to Imran Khan for many years, don’t feel comfortable with him. One is not sure whether they would be too willing to elect him as CM Punjab, simply to protect and please the Prime Minister.
But if they submitted to Imran Khan’s last minute decision, almost like devoted slaves, the combined opposition parties would find it extremely challenging to remove Imran Khan from the Prime Minister’s Office through the vote of no-confidence.
By accepting the Prime Ministerial offer of taking over Punjab, Chaudhry Parvez Elahi would also convey the feeling that his presumed “connections” in powerful quarters of the deep state eventually persuaded him to say ‘yes’ to the offer. If the said perception prevailed, for the right or wrong reasons, many ‘rebels’ from within the ruling party would also think twice before coming out into the open against Imran Khan.
While apparently “bailing out” the Prime Minister at the most difficult time of his career, Chaudhry Parvez Elahi would also appear as if ditching Asif Ali Zardari. The former president is the main architect of the game, set to get Imran Khan through a no-confidence motion and political observers strongly believe that he is not in the habit of playing a “losing hand.” The last-minute decision of Parvez Elahi, if showing support to Imran Khan, will seriously damage the perception that Asif Ali Zardari always plays ‘master strokes.’
I haven’t met Asif Ali Zardari for more than two years; haven’t talked to him on phone either. But senior and influential journalists, relishing active access to him these days, continue insisting until my writing this column that Asif Ali Zardari is too confident that Chaudhry Parvez Elahi is “going nowhere.”
Well, interesting political games are on. Let’s keep watching them to divert attention from issues we keep facing, both individually and like the helpless ‘subjects’ of the elite-captured state.
