Nation building in Afghanistan

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2021-08-29T01:02:43+05:00 Dr Farooq Hasnat & Dr Zamurrad Awan

It is now history that on August 15, the Taliban entered Kabul without any resistance by the forces of Afghan President, Ashraf Ghani. The dubiously twice-elected Afghan president fled to a foreign destination, along with a hefty amount of cash and close advisers. Thus ended the 20-year occupation of the US and their Afghan allies. President Joe Biden had earlier vouched to leave Afghan soil earlier than promised. It was expected among the American policymakers that the Ghani government and his army trained in US military academies and armed with sophisticated weaponry will hold ground, keeping at bay the expected onslaught of the Taliban. Once the Taliban started to move, the Afghan army melted down leaving behind US-supplied weaponry in admirable shape.

Once the Taliban can form a government and bring reasonable stability to their country, they will be facing the difficult task of nation-building, in a country that has virtually no viable institutions left, ever since the invasion of the Soviets in 1979. Even before the advent of the Soviet occupation, the communist-leaning governments of Taraki, Hafizullah Amin, and Babrak Karmal had uprooted the centuries-old socio-political arrangement of a multi-ethnic, Muslim society. Afghanistan has been a decentralised country, even under the powerful rulers in Kabul. The tribes living in far-flung areas, isolated by high mountains, managed their affairs through a Jirga system. The over-centralised efforts and pushing the Afghan people towards an alien ideology ripped the social cohesion of the country apart.

The disruption of Afghanistan was further aggravated by 20 years of complete control of the American forces. When George W Bush started the occupation after the events of September 2001, it was promised, though said otherwise, that the main objective of the Americans would be ‘nation building’, apart from eradicating the sanctuaries of al-Qaeda. It was also vowed that all attention would be focused towards the building of institutions like the elected parliament, a system of elections, judiciary, bureaucracy, and most importantly, a national army to protect other institutions.

In a public pronunciation, George W Bush shunned his occupational responsibility and looked towards the United Nations to do the job. Subsequently, Barack Obama and Donald Trump followed suit. They thought that they would be stuck with the difficult job of nation-building, although that could have helped the state of Afghanistan in the long run.

A recent publication of 2,000 pages by The Washington Post reporter, Craig Whitloch, entitled, “The Afghanistan Papers: A Secret History of the War”, narrates the fundamental reasons for the continued instability of the Afghan society under US supervision. The glaring quotes from the book point out the causes of yet another war lost by the US, and in the process destroying the equilibrium of the society, both horizontally and vertically. It reads. “Instead of bringing stability and peace, they said, the United States inadvertently built a corrupt, dysfunctional Afghan government that remains dependent on US military power for its survival. Assuming it does not collapse, US officials have said it will need billions of more dollars in aid annually, for decades. Speaking candidly on the assumption that most of their remarks would not be made public, those interviewed said Washington foolishly tried to reinvent Afghanistan in its image by imposing a centralised democracy and a free-market economy on an ancient, tribal society that was unsuited for either”. In fact, for the Americans and their European allies, development was equated with Westernisation. One wonders—what was gained? Especially as according to Brown University’s project report, the US has spent $2.261 trillion fighting and then losing a war in Afghanistan.

Once the debris of war is behind and a coalition government in Kabul is in place, the Afghan leadership has to put all efforts to establish necessary institutions, so that the dream of nation building can be fulfilled. First, a constitution, which is acceptable to all key players of the Afghan political scene, has to be devised or the present document amended to become inclusive. The presidential system should give way to a parliamentary system. Before the advent of the Soviets and then the Americans, Afghanistan was a highly decentralised nation, where decisions were made by respective tribes based on their accepted norms and requirements. Second, within the framework of the constitution, a federal system would be desirable. Afghanistan is a multi-ethnic society with various ethnic groups.

Third, a bicameral legislative body would be required, so that the upper house has an equal representation from all the newly established provinces—like the kind Pakistan and the United States have. That will give a needed feeling of belonging to a nation where no one ethnic group dominates. At present, there are 34 “provinces”, which by any standard are just administrative units. What is needed is a province in its classical sense. The jurisdiction and powers of a province are provided by the constitution based on a division of power along with checks and balances.

Fourth, human rights must be guaranteed by the constitution. It is not a western concept but very much enshrined in the tenants of Islam. Women, who form nearly half of the population, cannot be left behind in all walks of life. Girls alongside boys must be guaranteed education at all levels. Educated mothers have the capacity to transform a society for the better. Ignoring women, who are half of the population, creates an imbalance in the society, thus impeding prospects of nation-building.

The Afghan rulers need to reexamine their previous mindset about the interpretation of Islam, but rather take an example of other Muslim democracies, where women are an integral part of their societies. Take the example of Turkey, Pakistan, Iran, Malaysia, and Indonesia. It can be hoped that Afghanistan will be able to overcome its difficulties and ambiguities and march on to progress, as a responsible player of the international system—keeping its culture and values intact.

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