With the assassination of the first prime minister of the largest Islamic Democracy in 1951 the 'Establishment Plan' had been launched. The politicians had to be cornered and disgraced, while the tamed bureaucracy and army had to be elevated as the saviours. First it was the promotion of Ayub Khan (PA-10), Junior and mediocre general to the rank of Commander-in-Chief (C-in-C) replacing Douglas Gracy. Then Khawaja Nazimuddin a respected politician from Bengal was forced to step down from the position of Governor General (GG) to become the PM, and eventually Ghulam Muhammad an accountant by profession became the governor general in his place. Eminent political leaders like Hussain Shaheed Suharwardy, Maulana Fazalul Haq, Khan Qayyum Khan, Wali Khan and others were worked upon in various ways. The period between 1951 to 1958 was of political bashing. Finally, when no credible leadership could challenge the establishment hegemony martial law was imposed on October 7, 1958 by Iskandar Mirza who was then ousted by General Ayub Khan on October 27, 1958. The 'evil empire' under the command of the first desi C-in-C had been established. There was limited protest and dissent which was brutally crushed. Luminaries like Faiz and Jalib were imprisoned; agencies were let loose on politicians, scholars, writers, free thinkers and dissenters. Even upright businessmen were not spared. Unfortunately, for Pakistan the civil society was not organised enough to come to the streets. New concepts like effective control, silent majority, and law of necessity were introduced for the legitimacy of an illegal regime. Despite all the problems of a new country with an inexperienced political leadership Pakistan was poised to take off. The 1956 parliamentary constitution had laid the foundation of a democratic order. There was no debt and no unholy treaties and compromises on the sovereignty of the nation. But the general and later self-proclaimed field marshal's 10 years and 5 months in power turned Pakistan into a debtor nation with major compromises on sovereignty. His Cabinet included agents who worked against national interests and instead of basic industrialisation he opted for consumerism. Moreover, loans for building dams acquired from the World Bank were not fully utilised. Instead of five only two large dams were built. Today, Pakistan finds itself in a major electricity and water crisis with an extremely negative impact on its agriculture. Unfortunately, easy loans were dished out to retired officers and favourites thus creating a class of have and have-nots. At the global level, the sovereignty of the state was compromised, while internally institutional autonomy was attacked. In 1962, during the Indo China war Pakistan could have walked into Kashmir but it let the opportunity to slip by. On the dictation of his foreign masters the president went on a forced vacation to Hunza and stayed there till the war was over. In order to cover his folly he decided to start covert action in Indian Held Kashmir (IHK) in 1965 which then turned into a full-scale war for which the country was not prepared. Cities of Lahore and Sialkot came under threat of the enemy occupation. The Pakistan army, air force and navy performed exceptionally well and tilled the balance of war. Finally, the Taskhant Declaration brought peace but it was the beginning of the end for the Ayub Empire. Zulifkar Ali Bhutto (ZAB) launched his Peoples Party in 1967 and gathered the progressives on a platform of change. The message was simple. Democracy, Social equality and Islam. The party developed grassroot support in West Pakistan, while Mujibur Rehman's Awami League emerged as a major force in support of autonomy for East Pakistan. When Ayub Khan started to celebrate his decade of progress, the effectees of his dictatorship came on the streets together with the students and intellectuals. The brutal state apparatus was let loose. But when tear gas failed, bullets were fired. Pakistan Muslim League (convention) the Kings Party of the Ayub era tried to counter the political movement by force. Rallies were organised all over the country. In one of the rallies in Peshawar there was an assassination attempt on the president which shook him up. But sign were obvious that the first establishment debacle was coming to an end. The army under General Yahya Khan was unwilling to carry the burden of the misrule. President Ayub caved in and handed over power to the C-in-C in violation of his own constitution. It was the end of the Ayub era and his 1962 presidential constitution. Phase-I of the establishment game that had started with Ghulam Muhammad ended with Ayub Khan but it started the rot and set-in negative traditions of constitution bashing and sell out of vital national interests. Ayub's innings were mixed with highs and lows. After surrendering the sovereignty of the nation he tried to build a personal legacy. His era is remembered for its economic growth. Mangla Dam was build and Tarbela started during his term. At the end he wanted to be his own man. 'Friends not Masters' his autobiography advocated freedom with friendship based on equality and reciprocity. Little did he realise that he had been used and discarded by the powers to be. He had one last chance to take-on the establishment by handing over power to the speaker of the National Assembly but he fumbled under pressure. As a nation, Pakistan had a fighting chance to survive in 1947. The founding fathers were honest and spirited. It was this spirit that laid the foundations of a new state that started from ground zero. In 1956, a parliamentary constitution was also framed. After years of struggle (1947-1958) the country was posed to emerge as a democratic republic governed by a constitution and rule of law. But unfortunately the unjustified martial law of 1958 derailed the entire process of nation and institution building and replaced it with greed and empire building. While individual wealth has increased manifold but as a nation we are weak and bankrupt with no functional institutions left. However the establishment drama continues unabated. General Yahya Khan then started from where Ayub Khan had left on Establishment Debacle, followed by General Zia and General Musharraf. The writer is ex-chairman of the Pakistan Science Foundation