Pakistan Resolution’s implications

The Pakistan Resolution of 23 March, 1940 was undoubtedly a landmark event in the struggle of the Muslims of South Asia for an independent and sovereign homeland where they could lead their lives in accordance with the enlightened principles of Islam, free from the fear of persecution by a narrow-minded and oppressive Hindu majority. The preoccupation with the safeguarding of the political, economic, religious, cultural, and administrative rights of the Muslims of the sub-continent had been a prominent feature of their political struggle within the British India since the 19th century. Prior to 1940, this concern was voiced from time to time by prominent Muslim leaders in different shapes and forms in response to the evolving circumstances. Allama Iqbal’s call for the separation of a Muslim homeland in his presidential address at the Muslim League’s annual session at Allahabad in 1930 was an important milestone in this evolutionary process. The bigotry exhibited by such extremist Hindu organizations as Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the unhappy experience of the Muslims under the Congress governments in various provinces, formed after the promulgation of the 1935 Government of India Act, provided further impetus for the demand for a separate and independent Muslim homeland.

Allama Iqbal’s dream was given a concrete shape by the Pakistan Resolution adopted at the Muslim League’s annual session in Lahore in March, 1940. Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s presidential address on the occasion made an irrefutable case for a separate Muslim nationhood and for dividing India into Muslim and Hindu majority states by stressing that “The Hindus and Muslims belong to two different religious philosophies, social customs, literatures. They neither inter-marry nor inter-dine together and, indeed, they belong to two different civilisations which are based on conflicting ideas and conceptions. Their concepts on life and of life are different. It is quite clear that Hindus and Muslims derive their inspiration from different sources of history. They have different epics, different heroes and different episodes. Very often the hero of one is a foe of the other….Musalmans are a nation according to any definition of a nation, and they must have their homelands, their territory, and their state.”

The Pakistan Resolution and its historical background carry important implications for the country. It needs to be reiterated that the Pakistan Movement was based on the premise that the Hindus and the Muslims belonged to two different civilisations with conflicting ideas and conceptions on life and of life. Each is an anti-thesis of the other. For instance, while Islam teaches human equality and brotherhood, Hinduism is based on the impregnable division of the society into castes barring vertical mobility. The first and the foremost duty of the federal and provincial governments in Pakistan, therefore, is to create conditions in which the Muslims can give effect to Islam’s enlightened principles of human brotherhood, egalitarianism, social and economic justice, moderation, tolerance, and dynamism in their individual and collective lives. At the same time, in accordance with the demands of the Pakistan Resolution and the Islamic principle of non-coercion in matters of religion, we should take all possible steps for safeguarding the religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative, and other rights and interests of the minorities.

Unfortunately, the prevailing conditions in Pakistan are far from demands of the Pakistan Resolution or the Islamic principles relevant to the organization of our polity. To begin with, it is ironical that in a country which came into existence through the exercise of the right of vote, democracy was derailed repeatedly by adventurist generals. Now that the country is again on the democratic path, it is our collective responsibility to strengthen the democratic process. Secondly, it is incumbent upon federal and provincial governments to ensure social and economic justice for all. In a marked contrast with the egalitarian and social welfare principles of Islam, there are vast inequalities of income and wealth in Pakistan. Side by side with a few pockets of affluence, most of the people are the victims of grinding poverty. Justice has become inaccessible for the poor and the weak.

While Islam in essence is a dynamic religion of progress and enlightenment inspired by the principle of Ijtihad, our religious and political thought suffers from obscurantism and stagnation. In the race for economic progress, we are falling behind other nations of the world. For instance, we recorded the GDP growth rate of 4.7% in the year 2015-16 as against the corresponding growth rate of over 7% on the part of India. In view of the emphasis on education in Islam, one would assume that our governments would assign the top priority to this sector. The reality is far from it. It is pathetic that whereas UNESCO calls for the allocation of at least 4% of GDP to education, we have never in our history exceeded the figure of 2% of GDP in the allocation of resources to education at the national level. Little wonder that we are turning into a nation of illiterates or semi-literates. It is a pity that there is not a single world class university in Pakistan. In general, instead of moderation and tolerance, preached by Islam, our conduct is marked by extremism and intolerance. To some extent, the monster of terrorism which stalks the country from one end to the other is the by-product of both ignorance and religious extremism. For overcoming this menace, we would have to revamp our educational system besides using force where necessary and adopting other measures.

The Pakistan Resolution also carries important implications for the schemes of regional economic integration relevant to us. Pakistan is geographically in South Asia, but, as noted by the leaders of the Pakistan movement, its history, culture, political orientation, and the worldview set it apart from a Hindu-majority India, the biggest and the dominant country in the subcontinent. In fact, Pakistan for historical, cultural, political, strategic, and economic reasons is closely linked to countries in West Asia or the ECO region including Iran, Afghanistan, Turkey, Central Asian Republics, and Azerbaijan. In contrast with the SAARC, the countries in the ECO region enjoy almost all the prerequisites of intensified regional cooperation leading to regional economic integration. The Economic Cooperation Organization should, therefore, be our organization of choice for regional economic integration.

Finally, Pakistan must break the begging bowl and learn to stand on its own feet if it wishes to acquire a place of respect and dignity in the comity of nations. Excessive dependence on loans and aid from foreign countries cannot go together with an independent foreign policy calculated to serve the best interests of the country. Our excessive reliance on foreign loans is also harmful for the economic health of the country and for our self-respect. However, this policy of self-reliance would be possible only if we adopt austerity as a way of life individually and collectively while mobilising our own energies and resources for coming to grips with the challenges confronting us.

Pakistan has a promising future provided we abide by the principles of egalitarianism, human brotherhood, justice, tolerance, moderation and dynamism enjoined by Islam. Instead of obscurantism and ignorance, our policies should be informed by a forward looking and enlightened approach inspired by the dynamic Islamic principle of Ijtihad. Education must receive the top priority from our governments and the elite of the society. Self-reliance should be our motto. Instead of extravagance, our life-style individually and collectively should be marked by austerity. If we succeed in doing so, a bright future would await us. Our failure to practice these principles would have extremely adverse consequences for the country’s future.

The writer is a retired ambassador and the president of the Lahore Council for World Affairs. Email: javid.husain@gmail.com

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