Maulana Sami Ul Haq is no more. But his tragic death has left behind dozens of questions for the law enforcement agencies to answer. Who killed him? Why was he killed? Can they arrest the killers involved in the assassination of the Mauala?
Maulana Sami Ul Haq was not an ordinary man. The great religious scholar cum politician was the head of his political faction – Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam who served the country as senator for two consecutive terms. Maulana’s party was part of the six party’s religio political alliance – the Muttahida Majlas-e-Amal (MMA) that ruled Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, then North West Frontier Province (NWFP) since 2002 to 2008 after registering a sweeping victory in the general elections of 2002.
Born at the home of an eminent religious scholar Maulana Abdul Haq, Maulana was the chairman of Pakistan Defense Counsel. He was administrator of Asia’s biggest religious school Dar Ul Uloom-e-Haqqania at Akora Khattak. The madrassa is imparting religious education to 2000 students free of cost.
Maulan Sami Ul Haq was stabbed to death while resting at his home in Rawalpindi. The mystery surrounding the death of Maulana Sami, taking many by surprise, has, on the other hand, raised many questions for the country’s law enforcement and security agencies to seek answer to. Maulana Hamid Ul Haq’s refusal to do post mortem of his father is seen as a veiled no confidence on the capacity of the law enforcement agencies to probe the death.
Maulana Sami was assassinated amid violent countrywide protests triggered by the acquittal of Asia Bibi in a blasphemy case by the Supreme Court of Pakistan. The protestors while protesting the court’s decision came out to the streets and staged sit-ins in every nook and corner of the country. The angry mob blocked the roads and set vehicles ablaze to get the court to go back on its words and reverse the decision taken in favour of the Christian lady in a death row since 2010. The protestors went on rampage to destroy public properties and damage government installations while looting shops and other commercial units. Some of the TV footages depicted the people hitting cars with sticks and setting them on fire.
The same day, Mr Abdullah Gul, son of the former Director General, ISI Lt. General Hameed Gul made his escape good when unknown gunmen showered his car with bullets. Gul is also a member of Milli Yakjihti Counsil and Difa-e-Pakistan Council. The attack on Abdullah Gul came just a few moments after the Maulana Sami Ul Haq was stabbed to death.
The Tehreek-e-Labbaik Ya Rasoolullah has, though called off its protest after successful dialogues with the government benches. But the message is clear and louder. They can stage a comeback at stage they want to, if terms of the agreement are not honoured by the government. This is not the first time. On November 5, last year, the Islamist political party Tehreek-e-Labbaik staged a sit in at the Faizabad Interchange to contest changes in the election bill 2017 in which the word oath was changed to declaration. The protesters demanded resignation of Minister for Law and Justice Zahid Hamid to ‘protect the identity of the country’. The protestors finally achieved the objectives by striking a deal with the government that put an end to the countrywide protests, which continued for 20 long days. Resultantly, the minister for law and justice had to step down on November 26, 2017.
Tehreek-e-Labbaik emerged as one of the leading political party by grabbing 2.5 million of the total votes polled in the general elections 2018.
The current political situation in the country is resulting in the growing sense of frustrations amongst the masses, calls for immediate but concrete steps to get things under control. The masses that were experiencing a sigh of relief after the operations Zarb-e-Azb are once again getting frustrated with the country’s political situation coupled with sky-rocketing price hike and overall economic challenges.
No doubt we have achieved tremendous successes in countering terrorism and violent extremism during the last few years. But the military gains achieved at the battlefronts could be secured well only if it’s backed by a well-defined, well-designed and well-thought out developmental agenda. The unnecessary delays in the implementation process in the erstwhile FATA, once a hub of militancy is once again providing a moral ground to the anti-state elements to capitalise on the sense of frustrations and deprivations and exploit the situation at will. The government should come forward with concrete steps towards mainstreaming the marginalised tribal belt of Pakistan. The people of the erstwhile FATA should be empowered politically and economically in order to enable them deny space to the non-state actors. If things wrong once again, this would not only be the people of FATA but the whole country to bear the brunt of consequences.
The writer is a freelance journalist based
in Islamabad.
M
aulana Sami Ul Haq is no more. But his tragic death has left behind dozens of questions for the law enforcement agencies to answer. Who killed him? Why was he killed? Can they arrest the killers involved in the assassination of the Mauala?
Maulana Sami Ul Haq was not an ordinary man. The great religious scholar cum politician was the head of his political faction – Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam who served the country as senator for two consecutive terms. Maulana’s party was part of the six party’s religio political alliance – the Muttahida Majlas-e-Amal (MMA) that ruled Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, then North West Frontier Province (NWFP) since 2002 to 2008 after registering a sweeping victory in the general elections of 2002.
Born at the home of an eminent religious scholar Maulana Abdul Haq, Maulana was the chairman of Pakistan Defense Counsel. He was administrator of Asia’s biggest religious school Dar Ul Uloom-e-Haqqania at Akora Khattak. The madrassa is imparting religious education to 2000 students free of cost.
Maulan Sami Ul Haq was stabbed to death while resting at his home in Rawalpindi. The mystery surrounding the death of Maulana Sami, taking many by surprise, has, on the other hand, raised many questions for the country’s law enforcement and security agencies to seek answer to. Maulana Hamid Ul Haq’s refusal to do post mortem of his father is seen as a veiled no confidence on the capacity of the law enforcement agencies to probe the death.
Maulana Sami was assassinated amid violent countrywide protests triggered by the acquittal of Asia Bibi in a blasphemy case by the Supreme Court of Pakistan. The protestors while protesting the court’s decision came out to the streets and staged sit-ins in every nook and corner of the country. The angry mob blocked the roads and set vehicles ablaze to get the court to go back on its words and reverse the decision taken in favour of the Christian lady in a death row since 2010. The protestors went on rampage to destroy public properties and damage government installations while looting shops and other commercial units. Some of the TV footages depicted the people hitting cars with sticks and setting them on fire.
The same day, Mr Abdullah Gul, son of the former Director General, ISI Lt. General Hameed Gul made his escape good when unknown gunmen showered his car with bullets. Gul is also a member of Milli Yakjihti Counsil and Difa-e-Pakistan Council. The attack on Abdullah Gul came just a few moments after the Maulana Sami Ul Haq was stabbed to death.
The Tehreek-e-Labbaik Ya Rasoolullah has, though called off its protest after successful dialogues with the government benches. But the message is clear and louder. They can stage a comeback at stage they want to, if terms of the agreement are not honoured by the government. This is not the first time. On November 5, last year, the Islamist political party Tehreek-e-Labbaik staged a sit in at the Faizabad Interchange to contest changes in the election bill 2017 in which the word oath was changed to declaration. The protesters demanded resignation of Minister for Law and Justice Zahid Hamid to ‘protect the identity of the country’. The protestors finally achieved the objectives by striking a deal with the government that put an end to the countrywide protests, which continued for 20 long days. Resultantly, the minister for law and justice had to step down on November 26, 2017.
Tehreek-e-Labbaik emerged as one of the leading political party by grabbing 2.5 million of the total votes polled in the general elections 2018.
The current political situation in the country is resulting in the growing sense of frustrations amongst the masses, calls for immediate but concrete steps to get things under control. The masses that were experiencing a sigh of relief after the operations Zarb-e-Azb are once again getting frustrated with the country’s political situation coupled with sky-rocketing price hike and overall economic challenges.
No doubt we have achieved tremendous successes in countering terrorism and violent extremism during the last few years. But the military gains achieved at the battlefronts could be secured well only if it’s backed by a well-defined, well-designed and well-thought out developmental agenda. The unnecessary delays in the implementation process in the erstwhile FATA, once a hub of militancy is once again providing a moral ground to the anti-state elements to capitalise on the sense of frustrations and deprivations and exploit the situation at will. The government should come forward with concrete steps towards mainstreaming the marginalised tribal belt of Pakistan. The people of the erstwhile FATA should be empowered politically and economically in order to enable them deny space to the non-state actors. If things wrong once again, this would not only be the people of FATA but the whole country to bear the brunt of consequences.
The writer is a freelance journalist based
in Islamabad.
@bjkahn
