On October 27, 1958, General M. Ayub Khan moved into the presidency, and thus the drama that started in April 1953, with the General appointed as the Defence Minister in uniform, came to its logical conclusion. He stayed in power for over a decade, which is considered as the golden era of development in Pakistan. During that time, a number of significant developments with far-reaching consequences took place on the positive side. The foundations were laid for the countrys industrial sector, while the agricultural sector markedly improved. Friendship with China was initiated and nurtured during this period. Pakistan joined the American sponsored defence pacts SEATO and CENTO, and as a result a free-flow of economic aid and military hardware poured into the country improving its economic conditions and equipping its armed forces with modern and sophisticated weapons. It was all very well, but Ayub had a lot to account for on the negative side. He committed many blunders, with disastrous and everlasting consequences from which the country suffered and will continue to suffer till eternity. Here are some of his misadventures. Imposition of martial law: Ayubs first misadventure was the imposition of the martial law in 1958 that derailed democracy and destroyed all its allied institutions that were beginning to take root. His assuming of power through a military coup encouraged military adventurers and showed the way for the use of military guns to grab power in the future. The Indus Waters Treaty (1960): The point of reference here is the one-sided Indus Waters Treaty that he signed with Pundit Nehru when he visited Pakistan in September 1960, ceding to India the water of the three Punjab rivers just for a song. Whether it was his ignorance or lack of foresight, perhaps both, that these rivers on the Pakistan side have almost gone dry and millions of acres of once fertile land is now turning into a desert. Jeopardised Pakistans security: Pakistan allowed the USA to establish a top secret base at Badaber, near Peshawar, and provided all the logistic support to operate the Americas spy plane U2 to fly over Russia to gather intelligence. Pakistan, thus, invited Khrushchevs wrath when in anger he made a red circle around Peshawar that attracted worldwide attention. Refused to start the nuclear programme: Bhutto arranged a meeting on December 11, 1965, in the Dorchester Hotel, London, between President Ayub Khan and Munir Ahmed Khan, the Pakistani nuclear scientist. In this meeting, Khan stressed to the President the need to acquire nuclear technology that would give the country a deterrent capability. He informed the Ayub that India and Israel were moving rapidly in this direction. Khan estimated that the cost of nuclear technology at that time was not more than $150 million. But Ayub refused to accept the scientists proposal and said: Pakistan was too poor to spend so much money. Moreover, if we ever need the bomb, we will buy it off the shelf. 1965 Indo-Pak war: Wars are fought either to defend a countrys sovereignty in case of an attack or because of overambitious and ambivalent individuals at the helm, who do so for their personal aggrandisement and glory. There are many examples: Hitler started World War II in 1940; Suharto annexed East Timor in 1975; Galeteiri occupied Falkland in 1982; and Bush invaded Iraq in March 2003 - all for personal glory. General Ayubs act in going for the 1965 Indo-Pak war may be clubbed in the same category. The 1965 war with India was unplanned, fruitless and an unfinished affair. The war itself was only a 17-day affair. As soon as it was over the people of Pakistan woke up to the reality that the nation had not won a single victory, which Ayub Khans Information Secretary Altaf Gauhar had led them to believe. Field Marshal Ayub Khan and Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri of India met in Tashkent in January 1966 at the initiative of the Soviets and agreed to swap the territories seized by both the sides during the recent war. The Tashkent Agreement reflected the no-win, no-loss situation on the battlefield of the 1965 war, whereas Pakistan was made to believe by the government that it was a Pakistan victory. The agreement made no mention of Pakistans demand for a plebiscite in Kashmir. Pakistanis failed to comprehend, as to why Pakistans victory did not get them any gain in the shape of a territory. Alienated the East Pakistanis: After independence, Ayub was at one time posted as General Officer Commanding (GOC) East Pakistan. During his tenure, there he did not treat East Pakistanis well. His attitude towards them was that of a colonising army commander. After he became CMLA and President, he did not change and his attitude towards them was one of casual indifference and disregard to their genuine and legitimate rights and needs. His remarks to an East Pakistan politician Mushtaq Khundkar, if East Pakistan is not satisfied, then they may secede, to which the latter promptly replied, it is always the minority that secedes and in this case West Pakistan being a minority may secede, if you want to. Ayubs general attitude and such irresponsible remarks not only distanced the East Wing from the rest of Pakistan, but also sowed the seeds of separation. His theory that the defence of East Pakistan lay in the West Wing, and then the practical demonstration of it in the 1965 war when the East wing was virtually left undefended, finally sealed the fate of relations between the two wings of the country. This was the nature of the hatred and malaise being created and nurtured by Ayubs mode of thinking and unequal distribution of development projects in the Eastern Wing, which finally resulted in Bangladesh. Ayubs long and despotic rule: Despotic and unbridled one-man rule for a decade is a long time, and the mere presence of some one for this period in authority is sufficient to generate resentment and even hatred against that person. In the Field Marshals case, there were many imbroglios that he had to account for. While the East Wing was already anti-Ayub, he had also lost credibility with the leaders from West Pakistan, who had no trust in his words and actions. The masses were on the streets protesting against him and everything connected with his name. Decade of development: In order to step aside the tide of hatred against Ayub Khan, it was decided to play up the card of economic development in the country. The inflow of US aid improved the economics of the country to a large extent. There was visible prosperity in the country. At this time, Altaf Gohar, the Presidents conscience keeper, advised him to cash in on this development syndrome. It was decided to celebrate the 'Decade of Development in a big way over a one-year period, thinking that it will make people forget the ill effects of Ayubs autocratic and oppressive rule. Lot of public money was spent to make the show a success and to publicise that it was all made possible because of the efforts and planning of the Field Marshal. Contrary to expectations, this year-long exercise, extravagance had a severe backlash and it turned out to be Ayubs swan song. All this personal publicity of Ayub Khan boomeranged and further infuriated the already agitated public feelings, resulting in an unprecedented uprising of the people of Pakistan against the General. Friends not masters: In yet another attempt to glorify his achievements, Ayub got his biography Friends Not Masters published in 1967, but conspicuously there was no mention of the 1965 Indo-Pak war in it. As all was going anti-Ayub, this book did not cut much ice and was ridiculed. On March 25, 1969, he admitted his rejection by the people and announced that he was resigning. As the last act of his imbroglios, he handed over the power to another General in uniform, instead of the speaker of the National Assembly, as envisaged even in his own person specific Constitution of 1962. n The writer is former ADC to the Quaid-i-Azam.