A sharp crack has appeared in the hourglass of Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt’s largest opposition movement due to the unprecedented crackdown of the security state that has led to the pouring of young assertive youth through the splintered pieces. A unification of youth voices in the brotherhood is prominent, an immediate action against Sis’s regime must be undertaken and they are not willing to settle for less. But these voices were repressed in the past as the regime was aware of the repercussions associated with the freedom of letting this spark mismanaged.
This burning spark escalated into a conflagration in 2015 when Hisam Barakat, state high level official was assassinated leading the state to take severe action against Brotherhood involving death sentences against members. The Brotherhood in retaliation has managed to reorganise and rejuvenate itself and this transformation of this organisation occupies an important place in Egypt’s opposition.
Visible changes, in the Brotherhood with broad implications have occurred. These include; creating structural changes with lesser focus on hierarchy, reassessing the viability of the organisation and accepting the organisation’s homogeneity with other Islamist and revolutionary groups. The Muslim Brotherhood that was once characterised by its rigidity, hierarchy and cautiousness is no longer the same.
The transformation from a hierarchical structure to the one that is imbalanced will pose significant problems for the organisation. Previously this order offered implementation mechanism for important decisions, sustainable platform during conditions that were unfavourable and a pathway to deploy its resources strategically. Breakdown of this system would mean that most decisions and actions will lack coherence as differences would exist between daring youth, filled with a desire for vengeance on one hand and rational elders on the other.
Secondly the mechanism of self-protection that the Brotherhood strongly abided by has fizzled away. The mission that the members were taught from the 1970s was to continue this movement from generations to generations, come what may. The sole aim of protecting the Brotherhood was to carry on the organisation legacy and take lesser risks that would challenge its sustainability. However, the movement is more open to take risks and this is evident by the young energetic youth that have been elevated to leadership positions.
Lastly, the uniqueness that characterised Brotherhood from the other opposition groups has disappeared. Previously, there was a clear demarcation in the Brotherhood regarding its membership. In the past, joining this organisation was a commitment in terms of finances, energy and time which lead to tight personal bonds that ensured its sustainability. Currently, the new environment gives chances to those spending lesser time with the organisation and might not have the same zeal or commitment. Homogeneity of this organisation with other movements has tarnished its reputation as an organisation where dedication and history were strongly valued making it unique.
All is still not lost. Due to the increasing number of young members, the brotherhood has acquired a strong element of self-criticism. A cause of past failure is being diagnosed by the present leadership as a result of hasty generalisation regarding real change makers of the Egyptian state. Leaders of the brotherhood admit that they failed to reconcile with those who wanted real change and opted to gain entry through fast election procedures, a plan that failed substantially.
Reviewing past errors would be essential for the sustainability and success of his movement. There is a dire need for to reform the security sector and civilian bureaucracy which has been ignored largely by the Brotherhood. At the heart of the brotherhood problem was its ability to act too aggressively, make too many enemies and failure to communicate with mainstream opposition and inaptitude of the members.
The tensions within the brotherhood are exacerbated by the divergence that exists between the secular youth activist and the brotherhood. These secular youth members blame the latter for ruining Egypt’s chance at a real democratic transition. Brotherhood, on the other hand holds resentment against the former secular allies for the treacherous act of initially supporting July 2013 coup and later turning anti-Sisi post the bloody crackdown.
One thing remains certain, Post July 2013, Brotherhood is going through metamorphosis where its traditional approach of causing change in the society is being transformed to a one focused solely on the state. Re-invigoration of the movement by its youthful supports with the aim to change the culture of the state based on self-interest, nepotism and domination is a positive step.  Change remains on the highest agenda of the organisation which previously talked about reform and gradualism deeming political change as downright impossible.
In essence, as Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood rejuvenated itself, inside its intricacies, lie a large number of discontented youth that are eager to push against state structure that have failed to deliver appropriate opportunities regarding education, employment and freedom of expression. Despite the large scale damage that occurred to the brotherhood by the post-2013 crackdown, the movement has survived. What remains to be observed is when this change will actually occur.
With eyes filled with the mist of past revolt, the Egypt’s Brotherhood watches carefully, the unravelling of the waves of Egypt’s uncertain future, waiting for the perfect opportunity to act.